Quick decisions show Govt warts and all

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Quick decisions show Govt warts and all

Tim Tenbensel 2022

Tim Tenbensel

4 minutes to Read
Waitangi CR vale t on iStock
Te Tiriti o Waitangi was signed on the grounds pictured here, formalising a Crown-tangata whenua relationship that has been highlighted by COVID-19 policies [vale t on iStock]

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This article was first published in the 15 December Summer edition

POLICY PUZZLER

The pandemic can reveal a great deal about the hidden strengths and weaknesses of our way of governing, writes Tim Tenbensel

COVID-19 itself has tested every system’s policy process legitimacy, often to near-breaking point

The COVID-19 pandemic, as we know all too well by now, is the great disruptor.

The only people in New Zealand who have experienced any other national or international disruption of such a scale during their adult lives are those aged over 100. MPs and senior public servants are not among them.

In Governing the Pandemic, a new book on international policy responses to COVID-19, authors Arjen Boin, Allen McConnell and Paul t’Hart point out that no political system is really ever designed for pandemic conditions where the combination of urgency, scale and high stakes is unprecedented in our lifetime.

Nevertheless, the pandemic can reveal a great deal about the hidden strengths and weaknesses of our way of governing.

These strengths and weaknesses of our policy style have very deep roots.

Any system of governance requires the capacity to:

  • make decisions
  • have inclusive processes that enhance the legitimacy of decisions that are made, and
  • effectively implement those decisions.

At the national level, this is difficult enough to do in “normal” circumstances – because these three imperatives often cut across one another.

Inclusion is tough

The sorts of things that make decision-making more inclusive often make decisions harder to implement successfully, and vice versa.

What has COVID-19 taught us about the capacity to make decisions? Much has been made of the fact that New Zealand instituted some of the toughest lockdown measures in 2020. But, in order for such decisions to be taken, there needed to be a political system that enabled them to be made.

Compared with all other OECD countries, New Zealand governments have the fewest impediments to making rapid decisions. This is mainly because the power of the Cabinet is, as former prime minister Geoffrey Palmer famously put it, “unbridled”.

There are no states or provinces, and no upper houses of legislature for an elected government to negotiate. This has been proven an advantage in pandemic times, but it’s not necessarily the optimal arrangement in normal times. Most comparable countries have many more checks and balances.

Another feature that can be a problem in normal times, but advantageous in a pandemic, is that New Zealand’s channels of communication between policy-relevant scientific expertise and political and public sector leadership are not highly institutionalised. This meant we were better able to improvise arrangements on the fly.

The UK response evolved quite differently, with various institutionalised sources of expertise giving the Government quite different and somewhat confusing messages, particularly in March 2020.

Difficult trade-offs

What has the pandemic taught us about the capacity to reach legitimate decisions? The everyday decisionmaking around responses to COVID-19 highlights many difficult trade-offs that must be managed: in developing managed isolation and quarantine systems; economic stimulus packages; vaccination strategies; and Alert Level frameworks.

If we are comparing ourselves with other parliamentary democracies, New Zealand has arguably done quite well in terms of the public’s acceptance of the behaviours encouraged by these new systems.

But it’s still early days. COVID-19 itself has tested every system’s policy process legitimacy, often to near-breaking point. With reports emerging of underground networks organising to subvert or get around vaccine mandates, should we be concerned that the seemingly sudden appearance of defiant conspiracy theory rhetoric may have much wider implications for the legitimacy of policy decisions in the future?

Crunch time

What is crystal clear is that the response to COVID-19 has exacerbated the legitimacy problem that pervades all countries with histories of colonisation. In so many ways, the pandemic shows how New Zealand’s policy-making institutions, when it comes to the crunch, find it very difficult to incorporate the input of Māori and Pacific health leaders.

As to implementation, our comparatively high rates of vaccination reveal some important strengths of having a tax-funded, rather than insurance-based, health system.

However, the pandemic experience also shows the downside of quick decisions where no one has the chance to work through all the practical implications.

The pandemic response has shone a bright light on this, the booking system for MIQ being the most glaring example. This is the price we pay for a system that enables decisiveness. To be fair, this year it seems the Government has learned some policy-making lessons and has built in more time in making many key decisions, such as introducing the traffic-light system and opening borders.

But, most importantly, implementation of many COVID-related policies also clearly shows how governing effectively requires more than governments. New Zealand’s prevailing modus operandi in public management is to carve a huge gulf between government agencies, which have statutory obligations, and non-government organisations, which are only invited to fill the gaps once they are recognised as gaping holes.

Everyone in the Ministry of Health and DHB management now knows, if they didn’t already, how crucial Māori and Pacific health providers are in connecting health services to their communities. But why has it been so difficult for them to learn this lesson?

Let’s hope that the COVID-19 pandemic becomes the great disruptor that will jolt our policy-making processes out of this particular hard-wired pattern, and into some more productive habits.

Tim Tenbensel is associate professor, health policy, in the School of Population Health at the University of Auckland

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